In the Age of Nationalism, the World Takes a Back Seat

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Le retour en force du nationalisme, et même de l'ultra-nationalisme, menace l'ordre mondial du 21e siècle

Last month, India's most populous state, Uttar Pradesh, voted the nation's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) into power. The party then selected a deeply divisive figure from within its ranks to serve as Uttar Pradesh's chief: Yogi Adityanath, at best a Hindu fundamentalist and at worst a politician capable of splitting his state and country along religious lines. The appointment doesn't bode well for a nation with a long and bloody history of religious violence. But in some ways, it's also hardly surprising.

Adityanath is a long-serving member of the party who meets its criteria for an ideal candidate. His rhetoric is harsh and unforgiving toward women, minorities and Muslims; he draws large crowds by preaching a Hindu way of life; and he calls for a shift away from the secular state India was meant to be. The ruling party has done much the same at the national level, and though Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not openly advocated moving toward a Hindu state, he has subtly pursued one by fanning the flames of nationalism. His "Make in India" policy, his alignment with likeminded countries, his silence when state authorities curb religious and other freedoms, the religious right's greater say in his administration's agenda, and Adityanath's recent appointment are all evidence of that.

But India isn't alone. Since 2014, when Modi was elected, it has become increasingly clear that nationalism and ultranationalism are making a comeback across the globe, from East to West. Japan has leaned toward a more patriotic style of education, while nationalists have gained momentum in Putin's Russia, Erdogan's Turkey and Netanyahu's Israel. Disillusionment with the political and business elite, dissatisfaction with high levels of immigration, and tougher attitudes toward border issues have given rise to a worldwide nationalist wave that new leaders in North America, Europe and Asia are riding into office. But this renewed love of one's own threatens to undermine the global order of the 21st century.

The Perks of Working Together

Sixty years ago, six European nations signed the Treaty of Rome. In doing so, they founded the European Economic Community, an ambitious experiment that eventually led to the creation of the European Union. In many ways that experiment was — and still is — hugely successful, having provided the Continent and countries worldwide sound norms, rules and regulations to live by. The EU Water Framework Directive, for instance, is an excellent standard for nations to aspire to as they provide their citizens with water that meets certain quality standards.

Yet this experiment is also in jeopardy. An influx of refugees; changing ties with Russia, the United States and Turkey; and new dangers posed by non-state actors have placed it in peril from without. But it also faces rising threats from within: Sluggish economic growth and disillusionment with the "ever-closer union" have bolstered support for Europe's right-wing conservative parties, which are gaining ground in France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands and other states. Now there is a real possibility that the very social fabric the union was conceived and built on will be torn apart.

The world is waiting with bated breath for the outcome of France's presidential election, the first round of which will be held April 23 — and the results of which could signal the fate of the union as a whole. Should the country elect controversial ultranationalist candidate Marine Le Pen, it will be the end of the bloc; even powerful German Chancellor Angela Merkel will not be able to save it. (Merkel, moreover, faces her own demons at home as her popularity declines because of her stance on refugees — a stance that many Germans deem too soft.) A new sort of diplomacy will arise between France and its neighbors, leading to drastic changes in Europe's strategies for defense and cooperation.


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